One Night in October...

...the clocks go back...

Check out the ridiculously infectious tune by the Tiny Comets.

Dear Mr Griffin

On Question Time yesterday when a young Asian man, like myself, asked you where you would like him to go, you said you were happy for him to stay. I am certain that the young man would have slept much easier last night knowing that you, Mr Griffin, safeguarder and protector of British society, deemed him good enough to stay in your country. I doubt, however, that you would have had the same feelings about me.

You see, I, unlike that young man, was not born in this country. I came here to study, found a job, and yes, I'm still here three years later. Do I dare ask where you think I should go?

Nick, (do you mind if I call you Nick? Mr Griffin makes you sound like a serious politician) you appear to be a man with a tremendous memory (albeit selective) that stretches back to 700 A.D, when your ancestors obviously magically appeared from beneath the melting ice.

You might remember, then, that when these 'indigenous British' people you refer to first arrived in India not so long ago, they ended up staying for over 200 years. A lot happened in that time, but you would be hard pressed to find an Indian who does not acknowledge the contribution that the British made to my country. They, much like the Mughals, Portuguese, Dutch and French before them, came and went, leaving us with the rich and diverse culture that I am so proud of today.

History has shown us that in times of cultural and economic unrest, people sometimes actually acknowledge the presence of individuals such as yourself. There is no doubt that people are unhappy, not just in this country but around the world. There are several reasons for this. Your mistake lies in confusing that discontent with a mandate. Soon this time too will pass, and you will go back to being a political non-entity, a mere irritation, admired perhaps only for the extent of your own delusion.

To be honest, Nick, I almost felt sorry for you last night. A big, strong man like yourself, twitching and sweating like someone in an electric chair. I know you don't need my pity. Or my advice. But I'm going to give you some anyway. Read, Nick. Travel. Introspect. I would suggest a degree in History, but given that a degree in Law couldn't help you identify an illegal constitution, I doubt another one would do you much good. Still, you never really know, do you?

Regards,
Ajay Jacob (yes, there are Christians in India)

Question Time in 30 mins

In just over 30 minutes, Nick Griffin, leader of the British National Party, will take his place for the first time on the panel of BBC's Question Time. The decision to invite him on the programme has attracted a huge amount of publicity and caused outrage among both the mainstream parties as well as the wider public. A good friend of mine is one of several hundred people making their protests heard outside the BBC's London studios at this very moment.

But even amongst those who despise this openly racist party, opinion seems to be divided- either deprive the BNP of the 'oxygen of publicity' or put them on a national stage and expose them for what they are. It is, to be honest, a tricky one. I'm not sure to which camp I belong. Not yet, anyway. Maybe in a couple of hours, depending on how the debate goes, I will have an opinion.

For the other panellists from the mainstream parties, it could be a challenge. Merely calling the BNP a ‘vile and despicable party’, is not going to cut it. They are going to have to tread a fine line between engaging with them on issues while distancing themselves from the party’s real agenda. If the Tories, Lib Dems and Labour can join forces and systematically pick them apart, the BNP will look stupid and out of their depth. If they overdo it, however, it will look like they’re flogging a dead horse. It is vital they achieve the right balance.

For Griffin himself, the advantages of appearing on the show are clear. A record audience will be tuning in and he will want to milk it for all it is worth. There is also no doubt that it will lend a certain legitimacy to a party whose constitution is still officially illegal. On the other hand, you've almost got to hand it to him. I would be surprised if every word he utters isn’t booed and hissed at, and in between all that he has to try and prove he is not a Nazi. Or prove that he is. Whatever the case, it should be an interesting show.

Mince Pies

are the reason
I thought of you tonight.
soft shortcrust,
sugar-dust,
secrets inside.
And only around for a season.

Home Sweet Home

fairy lights,
which once lent the stairwell
a festive air,
now hover over the edge
of the banister,
weighing up their options;
their luminescence
a kind of indifference.

chairs,
once high-backed and proud,
now lie scattered around
the floor like unfinished sentences;
stooped over
with the indignity of months
masquerading as
coat hangers,
doorstops,
resting places for moths.

curtains,
drawn tight,
to keep in the dark.

There’s nothing on the telly,
except me on the laptop,
which is a reflection
of the way things have been
these past few days, even
the clock has a sad face,
stuck at twenty-to-five.

the sink is full of wishes.

photos,
merely portals to the past,
where once there was laughter
like the tinkle of crystal
but now only silence,
broken every so often by the breaking
of a wave
off a distant shore
washing up another memory.

on the mantelpiece,
a starfish of keys.

!ndia in under 2 Minutes

The latest Incredible !ndia video...If you're homesick, that makes two of us.

The RG Enigma

It is, in many ways, already a striking story. Born into India's most famous political family, is barely 14 when his grandmother and India's first woman prime-minister is assassinated; at 20 his own father is killed by a suicide bomber; escapes to a life of anonymity first in America and then London where he works (under an assumed name); eventually returns home to help his widowed mother bring the Congress party back to power.

And yet, with Rahul Gandhi, you get the feeling the story is only just beginning.

Not long ago, with the Congress in turmoil and the right-wing BJP on the rise, Rahul was happy to be just a peripheral figure, popping up now and then for a party meeting or at a memorial for one of his relatives, while his older sister, Priyanka, was being touted as the natural heir to the dynasty. Today, he is at the very heart of a resurgent Congress and the BJP is on the brink of self-destruction. Even by Indian politics' famously unpredictable standards, it is a turnaround few would have foreseen.

The fact that Rahul Gandhi's rise has coincided with that of the Congress party is no accident; the party’s fortunes have always been inextricably linked with that of its first family. However, it is the evolution of Rahul the politician that has captured the imagination. Now, finally, he appears to have emerged from the multiple shadows he has grown up in. The second name- one that he spent most of his life trying to escape from- has been embraced. And, ever so slowly, little wheels of change are being put in motion. 62 years after his great-grandfather articulated India's original tryst with destiny, is he the one to renew it?

It is a curious situation Rahul finds himself in. He is well aware that the moment he wanted to lead the Congress party, the position would be offered to him on a plate. And yet, he seems perceptive enough to know that he is not ready, and has set about schooling himself. How tempting it must be to reach for it now, surround himself with a competent and loyal inner circle and enjoy the trappings of power. Even more tempting must be the prospect of being able to pull all the strings but have none of the burden of responsibility. Rahul Gandhi seems to have chosen a middle path. Blessed with a birthright but free from its shackles, he knows he can bring about radical change.

'Radical' is not a word one hears often in Indian politics, and certainly not in the positive sense. For a large majority of the disillusioned electorate, another Gandhi leading India's Grand Old Party simply means more of the same. But if early signs are anything to go by, Rahul will not be just another Gandhi. Since winning his seat to Parliament in 2004, he has stayed away from Delhi's corridors of power, choosing to pursue his own vision for rural India while leaving the PM and his cabinet to look after the business of running the country. The poor and the youth have been at the top of his agenda; and while it is easy to be cynical and suggest that this is merely vote-bank politics on a larger scale, it would be a failure to acknowledge the significance of what he has already achieved.

Along the way, he has used words that have had old-timers squirming in their high-backed chairs while reaching for their dictionaries. Words like inclusiveness, inner-party democracy and empowerment. He has also not hesitated to speak his mind, and gives credit where credit is due, even if that means praising an opposition party. He has overseen the rise of a new generation of young politicians who are now infiltrating the rank and file of the Congress. Nandan Nilekani, Chairman of the Unique Identification Authority of India, recently described India as 'the only young country in an ageing world’, a fact Rahul seems determined to extend into the country's politics as well. Elders, from within the Congress as well as the coalition parties, have muttered under their breath about youthful exuberance and inexperience, but Rahul himself seems unfazed.

It is also a measure of the man that in a culture that lives by the dictum of any publicity being good publicity, the young Gandhi's rise has taken place not in the tabloids, but in the dustbowl of the hinterland. Apart from the odd sensational headline- (Rahul Gandhi and David Miliband! Future Prime Ministers of their respective countries! Sleeping in a hut! On the floor!), his campaign has been a silent one, far removed from the haze of celebrity that seems to have enveloped New Delhi like early morning fog. While other star-sons stagger through the capital intoxicated by their own sense of entitlement, Rahul chooses to make unannounced trips to Dalit villages instead, often without his security entourage and a convoy of cars. His particular brand of grass-roots activism has endeared him to the masses.

When the spotlight is turned on him, however, he has seemed increasingly at ease. In interviews he comes across as gracious, polite, and softly articulate. The person he says he is closest to is his sister and he is known to be very possessive of his mother. Could this suave Harvard-educated, London-trained poster boy of emerging India really have his finger on the pulse of India's faceless millions? It is an intriguing question, and the answer may yet surprise us. Scepticism is ingrained in our DNA, and so is the tendency to dish out halos and elevate mortals to saint-like status. Perhaps we should take a cue from the man himself and choose a middle path. That path, for now, involves giving Rahul Gandhi the benefit of the doubt. Who knows where it might lead?